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portunity to declare their adherence to the principle of the Reform Bill - the Bill, the whole Bill, and nothing but the Bill. But though they made this anti Radical declaration on the first night of the Session, they have since displayed such a servile disposition to cringe to their former allies - the ultra-Liberals, and such shameless apostacy (sic) from their former professions, that it will be imperatively necessary for the Conservatives, as a body, to narrowly watch their proceedings, and to view with a jealous eye every measure which may be brought forward by them, or which may receive their support. At the close of the address which our Association adopted and published is the following passage to which I again particularly invite your attention:- 'We have, in common with others, formed ourselves into an Association for the purpose of upholding the Prerogatives of the Crown inviolate, and for the preservation of the Protestant Established Church as an integral part of the State; for preserving the application of church property to Protestant ecclesiastical purposes alone; for maintaining integrity, independence and freedom of deliberation, not only to the House of Commons, but also to the House of Lords, as equally constituent parts of the Legislature; for securing to every voter in the kingdom the free and manly declaration of his opinions, of his political sentiments, and the right of recording his vote at elections as an Englishman - openly, and in the face of day; and, lastly, for diffusing among the people at large a regard for such healthy and honest principles as afford the best security of their prosperity and the firmest bulwark of their liberties. That we shall finally secure these great results upon a foundation never again to be shaken, I confidently expect. And when that happy period shall arrive, we will dissolve our Association upon the same principle on which we originally founded it; but, until such time, I earnestly call on you, my friends and brother-members of our Loyal and Constitutional Association to continue to advance its success by every lawful means in your power, firmly convinced, as I trust you all are, that by so doing you are promoting the true happiness of your fellow countrymen throughout all classes of society, and strengthening, to the utmost of your ability, those institutions of our common country to which we look up to with respect and attachment. I have the honour to remain, gentlemen, your most obedient servant,
ALEXANDER SUTHERLAND GRAEME
Cossington House Bridgewater."

Failure of political prophecies - Morley vs Harman

On the 20th of March the Crown Inn was the scene of a violent assault upon Mr. Henry Morley by Mr. Jas. Harman, in consequence, as it was supposed, of the former having written something about the latter's political conduct which provoked his displeasure. Morley was a Radical in politics, and reported the Hastings and St. Leonards news for the Brighton Guardian. Harman (better known as "Spike Harman") was a tailor, at 6 Grand parade, and although usually professing to be a Liberal, he had thrust himself on Mr. Planta's committee in 1837, and had assisted in the return of the Conservative candidate; but in so doing he incurred- as it was shown at an important trial, two years later - unauthorised expenses. For the time however, he had identified himself with the Conservative party, and although no specific charge was made against Morley as a cause for the violent assault upon him it was generally believed that the following remarks, which doubtless emanated from Morley's pen, were the incentive to the cruel beating which Morley received.

The Tories are greatley (sic) alarmed because we gave a hint about their election expenses. We are told that Planta is not wealthy, and that his bills will be very heavy. Admitted. But this ought to have deterred a set of reckless jobbers, who if they had the feeling of common honesty, would not have plunged an otherwise amiable man into ruinous costs. They promised, it was said, to bring him in for about six or seven hundred pounds, but it has since been discovered that matters will not be cleared up even for £2,500. We are in possesson (sic) of some curious facts in connection with the business, and when the time for disclosing them arrives we shall make that disclosure without at all consulting the refined ideas of the party who have unblushingly brought their victim into so unenviable a position. The sun of Toryism is for ever set in this borough; the faction is on its last legs, and we may with great safety say that Planta will never stand again for Hastings. The straightforward course pursued by his colleague Holland (sic) has completely changed the aspect of affairs. The ultras even are turning round, and many of them have signed the petition for the ballot. Were there an election to-morrow, two Liberals would certainly be returned. The majority of this constituency are decidedly Radicals, and however much the Whigs may stave off the introduction of such Radical measures as the ballot, extension of the franchise, short Parliaments, &c., any man who votes against them will certainly lose his seat. It may be well to talk about extending education, but the feeling is that taxation without representation is robbery.

Someone has said "Never prophesy unless you are sure" and the advice in this case receives support in the fact that the Rt. Hon. Joseph Planta did offer himself again and was re-elected. Neither was Toryism so defunct as was alleged, for in the 16 elections which have since taken place up to 1896, a Tory has been returned on 13 occasions. Then as to the "ultras" - the thoroughgoing Tories - turning round in favou of the ballot, if such was their conduct, it was justified by the great Conservative majority returned to Parliament under its first application. That even the ballot was not a panacea for all the evils of electioneering contests has, unfortunately, been proved by the disclosures of bribery and corruption at the numerous petition trials of 1880. That such a state of political dishonesty on all sides should exist in modern times is indeed lamentable, but it is no worse than many non-partizans (sic) had expected. Even St. Leonardensis - who if he has any personal influence, it is as much due to his political foresight as to his known moderation - has more than once recorded his opinion that the abrogation of canvassing would be more conducive to purity of election than the abolition of open voting. But this by the way! The reporter Morley might have been ever so wrong in his political forecasts, and he might have been a little tantalizing to the so-called "Jim Crow" who had played fast and loose with friends and foes for certain ends, the description of which it was his fault or misfortune to evoke more by his own newspaper communications than by anything that the victim of his revenge had written. What this was will be best seen by a long letter in reply, inserted as an advertisement in the Brighton Guardian by one of the party with whom, for the nonce he had professed to identfy (sic) himself, but who had offended him because they repudiated his acts and alleged expenses. The reply in question was as follows:-

"Mr. James Harman's letter which appeared in your columns having produced an extraordinary sensation in certain political circles the following is a reply to the same. Mr. H. says truly that every horse ought to bear his own load; and it shall not be my fault if this Jim Crow of a scribbler does not have a heavy burthen (sic) placed upon his own shoulders whether he can trot with it or not I shall reply by a statement of facts taken from documents which were never in Mr. Harman's possession. In the first place, that individual was never the principal "organ" of Mr. Planta's committee. In looking through the list of that committee, written by the Right Hon. gentleman himself, I find the simple name of Jas. Harman at the bottom, while Mr. Sutherland Graeme is named as the principal. In fact it is not unknown to me, nor was it unknown to others that we had Harman's presence because no one else would. Without talent, without influence, without principle, though possessing no small share of impudence he forced himself into the Conservative camp; and the Committee, though anxiously wishing they could be-rid themselves of him, were unable to do so. Mr. Planta, himself, knew perfectly well what Harman was, and constantly kept him at a convenient distance. It is false, too, that Mr. Planta was brought down to Hastings for the late contest by Harman and Amoore. On the contrary, Mr. W. Edwards, sen., was the person who induced Planta to try the experiment. So much for the veracity of this would-be electioneering agent for Hastings, Rye and East Sussex - The man who professes to "make a matter of business of it." Good heavens! Who would confide their cause to the hands of such a notorious whirligig? In reference to Planta being promised that his election expenses should not exceed six or seven hundred pounds, I was no party to such promise. Let it suffice that I gave my own time and expenses from February until the conclusion of the election, during which period it was not "necessary that Mr. Fuller should, to save me from arrest, pay my creditors in London." I am aware that this is an awkward as well as a strong exposure but it is the truth. Harman says he is a loser by £50. This is ridiculous. The truth is that he has carried imposition on as far as he could with all parties; and, as a finale, he would bully Planta out of a few pounds to enable him "to cut to fit the human shape." But the friends of Mr. Planta have wisely recommended that no further imposition should be tolerated. They know the man, and they know what he wants. They also know he would sacrifice his best friends to put a few pounds in his pocket. In reference to the heavy expenses attending Planta's election, I ask, Who ordered the luncheon at the Crown? Why, Harman; but he did not pay for it nor is it paid for to this moment. Harman was a party to the expenses going on. The amiable gentleman incurred nearly the whole of such expense himself, and would not fain shift the burthen on to the shoulders of others. He further states that he paid £3 for borough lists. I give the lie direct to that statement. He gave £1 and no more. He admits pledging himself that the costs should not exceed £700. What has, unfortunately, been the result? Alas! the real friends of Mr. Planta can well prove that Harman is no prophet. Can he tell your readers what was the amount of his ribbon bill? He is too wily to do that, Mr. Editor. But, thanks to the good sense of all others (sic) parties in the town they deprecate his dishonourable conduct on this occasion. He has irrevocably forfeited his fair fame, if he ever possessed any, and has consigned himself to everlasting contempt and obloquy. His remarks about my wishing him to write to Planta for £300 to bride the electors is as "false as hell." Is it likely? Is it probable, situated as I have been with Mr. Planta these last four years, that I should have so committed myself as to place my prospects and those of my family - nay, all - in the hands of an individual like this, who, reckless of the common rules necessary for the well-being of society, would, to save himself, plunge all into one general ruin? Would that James Harman had a dwelling-place for an honest heart! It would indeed be well for him if he could lay his hand on his heart and say, as I can, that he never was a gainer by being a pilot. Those who best know me can vouch for that fact; and it is equally well known that as a party however unfit we may be to conduct our ship "o'er the mighty deep," it is an easy task, as coasters, to bring her to anchor in the haven of common honesty, and where no man - be he ever so opposed to us in politics - would refuse to share with us his company. Mr. Harman says something about paying Pearce and other clerks. Who authorised him to engage clerks? No one! Moreover, Harman informed Planta that his canvassing books were made out by his own confidential clerk. This out-Herods Herod! Is it not laughable? But when pressed by the committee, he explained that it was Mrs. Harman. What a phenomenon! But the fact is I paid Mr. Pearce and the whole of the clerks myself. It was very kind of Harman to give refreshments to Banks, Water &c., but would it not have been better for him to have fed the indigent in his own house before he gave to others what they needed? I admit that I am an ex-publican, but I ask whether previously to becoming one I acted dishonestly? On leaving the Nelson I paid 20s. in the £, and although Harman has trifled with my feelings I will not hurt his by asking him whether that has been his practice. ... I had hoped that when the election was over we should all meet as friends, and with this exception it has been so. Nor do I envy the feelings of that man who so outrageously insulted the borough by fabricating the statement which was one tissue of falsehoods from beginning to end. Those who were warmly opposed to me during the election have exchanged the hand of friendship; and it is my wish and that of Mr. Planta that mutually kind feelings should be still cultivated. The watchword on my part is "Good will to all," and while I give to others the right of judging for themselves, I claim to be allowed the same privilege myself,

— I am, &c., GEORGE WINGFIELD
P.S. - Mr. Planta's committee were : Sutherland Graeme, Esq., Francis Smith, Esq., W. Amoore, N. Williams, R. Harman, G. Wingfield, Jas Harman.

But to return to the assault, the case was brought before the magistrates, and thence turned over for adjudication to the Quarter sessions. In the meanwhile the subject was much talked about and several other letters bearing upon it appeared in the county papers. When the trial came on, the parties were advised to come to an arrangement without the further aid of the law in carrying on the trial to its bitter end. The defendant was advised to pay a certain amount of money and to make a suitable apology, which he did by signing a document, of which the following is a copy .-

To Mr. Henry Morley. - In consideration of your withdrawing the prosecution against me for an assault on your person at the Crown Inn on the 20th of March, I humbly apologize for the same, and consent to pay the expense of the prosecution, not exceeding £10, and to pay a further sum of £5 to the Infirmary Building-fund.

— JAMES HARMAN.

Two years later, Mr. Harman sued Mr. Planta for his claim at the Lewes Assizes, and the trial - in which the plaintiff was partially successful - was an intensely exciting one. I purpose giving an account of that musing political episode when this history shall have reached the period to which the trial applies. And now I will close the political chapter for 1838, with another remark and another vaticination (sic) by the local reporter already named. He said -

Beyond wriggling into the Exchequer and the Customs the sons of a few partizans, Mr. Planta has done nothing for the town. The attention of the Government should be called to this injustice to more deserving talent. The union of our Association has scattered b​road​cast the boasted phalanx of the Tory stronghold. Let them but diffuse their principles still more generally, and East-Sussex in the future will not be disgraced by a single Tory member.

That Mr. Planta did "wriggle" or otherwise get young men into Government situations there is no denying, and St. Leonardensis happens to know that the efforts thus made by the hon. gentleman were not in every case confined to the sons of partizans. As regards the wiping away the "disgrace" of East Sussex, the irony of events was too strong for the politician's logic; for in after years there came an election when the two Members for Hastings were the only Liberals returned throughout the county. Such is the uncertainty of political life.

I now turn to a few transactions of the Hastings Commissioners, for, be it known, that even as a Municipal Corporation, the Town Council had not as yet entirely superseded the functions of the Old Commission. At a meeting of the latter board in the month of April it was resolved that the Gas Company be fined 1/- each for as many public lamps as there were, in consequence of their having been extinguished at three o'clock in the morning. As a set-off against this resolution the Chairman, on behalf of the Gas Company, politely suggested that perhaps the Commissions would not object at the same time to pay the £77 8s.2d. that had been due since Oct. 1837, together with interest. The gas account was then ordered to be paid at once, but whether the fines were ever realised I know not. This was not the Commissioners' only transaction during that year in which the "irony of events" caused them to come off second best. The surveyor reported that Mr. Barry, of the Marine Library, had incroached (sic) about three inches on the Commissions' ground, although he had given up more than the equivalent in another part. There might have been no harm in this giving and taking but as it had been done without sanction Mr. Barry was ordered to pay a fine of 5s. Very soon after that in consequence of some improvement to the Marine parade - that parade the erection of which, many years before, Mr. Barry had been the prime mover of - a letter was received from the Board of Ordnance, complaining that the Commissioners had encroached upon Government ground near the Battery, and demanding that a shilling per year be paid as quit-rent. This was complied with, and the concession may be regarded as a quid pro quo for the fine inflicted on Mr. Barry.

Having thus touched upon a few items in the career of the Hastings Commissioners during 1838, and having also noticed in an earlier chapter the transactions of the St. Leonards Commissioners for the same period I turn not to an act of the Board of Guardians to show that the last-named body were not quite so willing to obey the behest of Government as were their contemporary officials. There came a mandate from the Poor Law Commissioners that no departure from the ordinary diet and ordinary rules was to be made on Christmas Day towards the inmates of the Union House; but in defiance of this order the Guardians provided the said inmates with a dinner of roast-beef, plum-pudding, and to each adult a pint of porter. The practice once adopted, to the gratification of the recipients and to the equal satisfaction of the ratepayers, it has been kept up I believe, with but few, if any, exception, ever since. It has been objected to by a few persons only on the score of there being in the house at that time of year a number whose idleness more than their misfortune takes them thither, and who therefore are quite undeserving of any consideration of that kind. But who is there with thoroughly generous impulses that would have the deserving suffer for the undeserving? Anyhow, by their general treatment of the poor on Christmas Day, and by the permission given them to visit their friends the day after, the Government-defying Guardians of 1838 acquired considerable popularity among those of the community who still wanted a good deal of persuading that Union-houses were anything better than prisons.